THE INTERESTING
NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE
OF OLAUDAH EQUIANO,
OR GUSTAVUS VASSA,
CHAPTER I
That part of Africa, known by the name of
Guinea, to which the trade for slaves is carried
on, extends along the coast above 3400 miles,
from the Senegal to Angola, and includes a
variety of kingdoms. Of these the most
considerable is the kingdom of Benen, both as to
extent and wealth, the richness and cultivation
of the soil, the power of its king, and the
number and warlike disposition of the
inhabitants. It is situated nearly under the line,
and extends along the coast about 170 miles,
but runs back into the interior part of Africa to
a distance hitherto I believe unexplored by any
traveller; and seems only terminated at length
by the empire of Abyssinia, near 1500 miles
from its beginning. This kingdom is divided into
many provinces or districts: in one of the most
remote and fertile of which, called Eboe, I was
born, in the year 1745, in a charming fruitful
vale, named Essaka. The distance of this
province from the capital of Benin and the sea
coast must be very considerable; for I had never
heard of white men or Europeans, nor of the
sea: and our subjection to the king of Benin was
little more than nominal; for every transaction
of the government, as far as my slender
observation extended, was conducted by the
chiefs or elders of the place. The manners and
government of a people who have little
commerce with other countries are generally
very simple; and the history of what passes in
one family or village may serve as a specimen of
a nation. My father was one of those elders or
chiefs I have spoken of, and was styled
Embrenche; a term, as I remember, importing
the highest distinction, and signifying in our
language a mark of grandeur. This mark is
conferred on the person entitled to it, by cutting
the skin across at the top of the forehead, and
drawing it down to the eye-brows; and while it
is in this situation applying a warm hand, and
rubbing it until it shrinks up into a thick weal
across the lower part of the forehead. Most of
the judges and senators were thus marked; my
father had long born it: I had seen it conferred
on one of my brothers, and I was also destined
to receive it by my parents. Those Embrence, or
chief men, decided disputes and punished
crimes; for which purpose they always
assembled together. The proceedings were
generally short; and in most cases the law of
retaliation prevailed. I remember a man was
brought before my father, and the other judges,
for kidnapping a boy; and, although he was the
son of a chief or senator, he was condemned to
make recompense by a man or woman slave.
Adultery, however, was sometimes punished
with slavery or death; a punishment which I
believe is inflicted on it throughout most of the
nations of Africa: so sacred among them is the
honour of the marriage bed, and so jealous are
they of the fidelity of their wives. Of this I
recollect an instance:—a woman was convicted
before the judges of adultery, and delivered
over, as the custom was, to her husband to be
punished. Accordingly he determined to put her
to death: but it being found, just before her
execution, that she had an infant at her breast;
and no woman being prevailed on to perform
the part of a nurse, she was spared on account
of the child. The men, however, do not preserve
the same constancy to their wives, which they
expect from them; for they indulge in a
plurality, though seldom in more than two.
Their mode of marriage is thus:—both parties
are usually betrothed when young by their
parents, (though I have known the males to
betroth themselves). On this occasion a feast is
prepared, and the bride and bridegroom stand
up in the midst of all their friends, who are
assembled for the purpose, while he declares
she is thenceforth to be looked upon as his wife,
and that no other person is to pay any
addresses to her. This is also immediately
proclaimed in the vicinity, on which the bride
retires from the assembly. Some time after she
is brought home to her husband, and then
another feast is made, to which the relations of
both parties are invited: her parents then
deliver her to the bridegroom, accompanied
with a number of blessings, and at the same
time they tie round her waist a cotton string of
the thickness of a goose-quill, which none but
married women are permitted to wear: she is
now considered as completely his wife; and at
this time the dowry is given to the new married
pair, which generally consists of portions of
land, slaves, and cattle, household goods, and
implements of husbandry. These are offered by
the friends of both parties; besides which the
parents of the bridegroom present gifts to those
of the bride, whose property she is looked upon
before marriage; but after it she is esteemed the
sole property of her husband. The ceremony
being now ended the festival begins, which is
celebrated with bonefires, and loud
acclamations of joy, accompanied with music
and dancing.
We are almost a nation of dancers, musicians,
and poets. Thus every great event, such as a
triumphant return from battle, or other cause of
public rejoicing is celebrated in public dances,
which are accompanied with songs and music
suited to the occasion. The assembly is
separated into four divisions, which dance
either apart or in succession, and each with a
character peculiar to itself. The first division
contains the married men, who in their dances
frequently exhibit feats of arms, and the
representation of a battle. To these succeed the
married women, who dance in the second
division. The young men occupy the third; and
the maidens the fourth. Each represents some
interesting scene of real life, such as a great
achievement, domestic employment, a pathetic
story, or some rural sport; and as the subject is
generally founded on some recent event, it is
therefore ever new. This gives our dances a
spirit and variety which I have scarcely seen
elsewhere. We have many musical instruments,
particularly drums of different kinds, a piece of
music which resembles a guitar, and another
much like a stickado. These last are chiefly used
by betrothed virgins, who play on them on all
grand festivals.
As our manners are simple, our luxuries are
few. The dress of both sexes is nearly the same.
It generally consists of a long piece of callico, or
muslin, wrapped loosely round the body,
somewhat in the form of a highland plaid. This
is usually dyed blue, which is our favourite
colour. It is extracted from a berry, and is
brighter and richer than any I have seen in
Europe. Besides this, our women of distinction
wear golden ornaments; which they dispose
with some profusion on their arms and legs.
When our women are not employed with the
men in tillage, their usual occupation is
spinning and weaving cotton, which they
afterwards dye, and make it into garments.
They also manufacture earthen vessels, of
which we have many kinds. Among the rest
tobacco pipes, made after the same fashion, and
used in the same manner, as those in Turkey.
Our manner of living is entirely plain; for as yet
the natives are unacquainted with those
refinements in cookery which debauch the
taste: bullocks, goats, and poultry, supply the
greatest part of their food. These constitute
likewise the principal wealth of the country,
and the chief articles of its commerce. The flesh
is usually stewed in a pan; to make it savoury
we sometimes use also pepper, and other spices,
and we have salt made of wood ashes. Our
vegetables are mostly plantains, eadas, yams,
beans, and Indian corn. The head of the family
usually eats alone; his wives and slaves have
also their separate tables. Before we taste food
we always wash our hands: indeed our
cleanliness on all occasions is extreme; but on
this it is an indispensable ceremony. After
washing, libation is made, by pouring out a
small portion of the food, in a certain place, for
the spirits of departed relations, which the
natives suppose to preside over their conduct,
and guard them from evil. They are totally
unacquainted with strong or spirituous
liquours; and their principal beverage is palm
wine. This is gotten from a tree of that name by
tapping it at the top, and fastening a large
gourd to it; and sometimes one tree will yield
three or four gallons in a night. When just
drawn it is of a most delicious sweetness; but in
a few days it acquires a tartish and more
spirituous flavour: though I never saw any one
intoxicated by it. The same tree also produces
nuts and oil. Our principal luxury is in
perfumes; one sort of these is an odoriferous
wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of
earth; a small portion of which thrown into the
fire diffuses a most powerful odour. We beat this
wood into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with
which both men and women perfume
themselves.
In our buildings we study convenience rather
than ornament. Each master of a family has a
large square piece of ground, surrounded with a
moat or fence, or enclosed with a wall made of
red earth tempered; which, when dry, is as hard
as brick. Within this are his houses to
accommodate his family and slaves; which, if
numerous, frequently present the appearance
of a village. In the middle stands the principal
building, appropriated to the sole use of the
master, and consisting of two apartments; in
one of which he sits in the day with his family,
the other is left apart for the reception of his
friends. He has besides these a distinct
apartment in which he sleeps, together with his
male children. On each side are the apartments
of his wives, who have also their separate day
and night houses. The habitations of the slaves
and their families are distributed throughout
the rest of the enclosure. These houses never
exceed one story in height: they are always built
of wood, or stakes driven into the ground,
crossed with wattles, and neatly plastered
within, and without. The roof is thatched with
reeds. Our day-houses are left open at the sides;
but those in which we sleep are always covered,
and plastered in the inside, with a composition
mixed with cow-dung, to keep off the different
insects, which annoy us during the night. The
walls and floors also of these are generally
covered with mats. Our beds consist of a
platform, raised three or four feet from the
ground, on which are laid skins, and different
parts of a spungy tree called plaintain. Our
covering is calico or muslin, the same as our
dress. The usual seats are a few logs of wood;
but we have benches, which are generally
perfumed, to accommodate strangers: these
compose the greater part of our household
furniture. Houses so constructed and furnished
require but little skill to erect them. Every man
is a sufficient architect for the purpose. The
whole neighbourhood afford their unanimous
assistance in building them and in return
receive, and expect no other recompense than a
feast.
As we live in a country where nature is prodigal
of her favours, our wants are few and easily
supplied; of course we have few manufactures.
They consist for the most part of calicoes,
earthern ware, ornaments, and instruments of
war and husbandry. But these make no part of
our commerce, the principal articles of which,
as I have observed, are provisions. In such a
state money is of little use; however we have
some small pieces of coin, if I may call them
such. They are made something like an anchor;
but I do not remember either their value or
denomination. We have also markets, at which
I have been frequently with my mother. These
are sometimes visited by stout mahoganycoloured
men from the south west of us: we call
them Oye-Eboe, which term signifies red men
living at a distance. They generally bring us
fire-arms, gunpowder, hats, beads, and dried
fish. The last we esteemed a great rarity, as our
waters were only brooks and springs. These
articles they barter with us for odoriferous
woods and earth, and our salt of wood ashes.
They always carry slaves through our land; but
the strictest account is exacted of their manner
of procuring them before they are suffered to
pass. Sometimes indeed we sold slaves to them,
but they were only prisoners of war, or such
among us as had been convicted of kidnapping,
or adultery, and some other crimes, which we
esteemed heinous. This practice of kidnapping
induces me to think, that, notwithstanding all
our strictness, their principal business among
us was to trepan our people. I remember too
they carried great sacks along with them, which
not long after I had an opportunity of fatally
seeing applied to that infamous purpose.
Our land is uncommonly rich and fruitful, and
produces all kinds of vegetables in great
abundance. We have plenty of Indian corn, and
vast quantities of cotton and tobacco. Our pine
apples grow without culture; they are about the
size of the largest sugar-loaf, and finely
flavoured. We have also spices of different
kinds, particularly pepper; and a variety of
delicious fruits which I have never seen in
Europe; together with gums of various kinds,
and honey in abundance. All our industry is
exerted to improve those blessings of nature.
Agriculture is our chief employment; and every
one, even the children and women, are engaged
in it. Thus we are all habituated to labour from
our earliest years. Every one contributes
something to the common stock; and as we are
unacquainted with idleness, we have no
beggars. The benefits of such a mode of living
are obvious. The West India planters prefer the
slaves of Benin or Eboe to those of any other
part of Guinea, for their hardiness, intelligence,
integrity, and zeal. Those benefits are felt by us
in the general healthiness of the people, and in
their vigour and activity; I might have added
too in their comeliness. Deformity is indeed
unknown amongst us, I mean that of shape.
Numbers of the natives of Eboe now in London
might be brought in support of this assertion:
for, in regard to complexion, ideas of beauty are
wholly relative. I remember while in Africa to
have seen three negro children, who were
tawny, and another quite white, who were
universally regarded by myself, and the natives
in general, as far as related to their
complexions, as deformed. Our women too were
in my eyes at least uncommonly graceful, alert,
and modest to a degree of bashfulness; nor do I
remember to have ever heard of an instance of
incontinence amongst them before marriage.
They are also remarkably cheerful. Indeed
cheerfulness and affability are two of the
leading characteristics of our nation.
1. An “Embrenche” was a mark of
a. dishonor.b. courage.c. grandeur.d. fear.
2. Give three reasons why the kingdom of Benin was thought to be the most powerful in the
area of Africa known as Guinea.
3. Describe the process of attaining the Embrenche.
4. Explain the Benin people’s feelings toward adultery. Is the treatment the same for men and
women?
5. Describe the ceremony, meaning, and aftermath of marriage in the kingdom of Benin.
6. In this society, what is the role played by music?
7. Describe the culture of this kingdom. Include food, dress, and tasks of the people in your
description.
8. Discuss the characteristics of the living arrangements for the people of this kingdom.
.
9. How does the author describe the nature of the people and the society overall?
AN ADDRESS TO THE
NEGROES IN THE STATE
OF NEW-YORK
by Jupiter Hammon
WHEN I am writing to you with a design to say
something to you for your good, and with a view
to promote your happiness, I can with truth and
sincerity join with the apostle Paul, when
speaking of his own nation the Jews, and say,
“That I have great heaviness and continual
sorrow in my heart for my brethren, my kinsmen
according to the flesh.” Yes my dear brethren,
when I think of you, which is very often, and of
the poor, despised and miserable state you are
in, as to the things of this world, and when I
think of your ignorance and stupidity, and the
great wickedness of the most of you, I am
pained to the heart. It is at times, almost too
much for human nature to bear, and I am
obliged to turn my thoughts from the subject or
endeavour to still my mind, by considering that
it is permitted thus to be, by that God who
governs all things, who seteth up one and
pulleth down another. While I have been
thinking on this subject, I have frequently had
great struggles in my own mind, and have been
at a loss to know what to do. I have wanted
exceedingly to say something to you, to call
upon you with the tenderness of a father and
friend, and to give you the last, and I may say,
dying advice, of an old man, who wishes our
best good in this world, and in the world to
come. But while I have had such desires, a
sense of my own ignorance, and unfitness to
teach others, has frequently discouraged me
from attempting to say any thing to you ; yet
when I thought of your situation, I could not
rest easy. When I was at Hartford in
Connecticut, where I lived during the war, I
published several pieces which were well
received, not only by those of my own colour, but
by a number of the white people, who thought
they might do good among their servants. This
is one consideration, among others, that
emboldens me now to publish what I have
written to you. Another is, I think you will be
more likely to listen to what is said, when you
know it comes from a negro, one your own
nation and colour, and therefore can have no
interest in deceiving you, or in saying any thing
to you, but what he really thinks is your
interest and duty to comply with. My age, I
think, gives me some right to speak to you, and
reason to expect you will hearken to my advice.
I am now upwards of seventy years old, and
cannot expect, though I am well, and able to do
almost any kind of business, to live much
longer. I have passed the common bounds set
for man, and must soon go the way of all the
earth. I have had more experience in the world
than the most of you, and I have seen a great
deal of the vanity, and wickedness of it. I have
great reason to be thankful that my lot has been
so much better than most slaves have had. I
suppose I have had more advantages and
privileges than most of you, who are slaves have
ever known, and I believe more than many
white people have enjoyed, for which I desire to
bless God, and pray that he may bless those
who have given them to me. I do not, my dear
friends, say these things about myself to make
you think that I am wiser or better than others;
but that you might hearken, without prejudice,
to what I have to say to you on the following
particulars.
Ist. Respecting obedience to masters. Now
whether it is right, and lawful, in the sight of
God, for them to make slaves of us or not, I am
certain that while we are slaves, it is our duty
to obey our masters, in all their lawful
commands, and mind them unless we are bid to
do that which we know to-be sin, or forbidden in
God’s word. The apostle Paul says, “Servants be
obedient to them that are your masters
according to the flesh, with fear and trembling
in singleness in your heart as unto christ : Not
with eye service, as men pleasers, but as the
servants of Christ doing the will of God from the
heart : With good will doing service to the Lord,
and not to men : Knowing that whatever thing
a man doeth the same shall he receive of the
Lord, whether he be bond or free.”—Here is a
plain command of God for us to obey our
masters. It may seem hard for us, if we think
our masters wrong in holding us slaves, to obey
in all things, but who of us dare dispute with
God! He has commanded us to obey, and we
ought to do it chearfully, and freely. This should
27 © 2006 Queue, Inc. All rights reserved. Do not duplicate.
© 2006 Queue, Inc. All rights reserved. Do not duplicate. 28
be done by us, not only because God commands,
but because our own peace and comfort depend
upon it. As we depend upon our masters, for
what we eat and drink and wear, and for all our
comfortable things in this world, we cannot be
happy, unless we please them. This we cannot
do without obeying them freely, without
muttering or finding fault. If a servant strives
to please his master and studies and takes
pains to do it, I believe there are but few
masters who would use such a servant cruelly.
Good servants frequently make good masters. If
your master is really hard, unreasonable and
cruel, there is no way so likely for you to
convince him of it, as always to obey his
commands, and try to serve him, and take care
of his interest, and try to promote it all in your
power. If you are proud and stubborn and
always finding fault, your master will think the
fault lies wholly on your side, but if you are
humble, and meek, and bear all things
patiently, your master may think he is wrong, if
he does not, his neighbours will be apt to see it,
and will befriend you, and try to alter his
conduct. If this does not do, you must cry to
him, who has the hearts of all men in his hands,
and turneth them as the rivers of waters are
turned.
2d: The particular I would mention, is honesty
and faithfulness. You must suffer me now to
deal plainly with you, my dear brethren, for I do
not mean to flatter, or omit speaking the truth,
whether it is for you, or against you. How many
of you are there who allow yourselves in
stealing from your masters. It is very wicked for
you not to take care of your masters goods, but
how much worse is it to pilfer and steal from
them, whenever you think you shall not be
found out. This you must know is very wicked
and provoking to God. There are none of you so
ignorant, but that you must know that this is
wrong. Though you may try to excuse
yourselves, by saying that your masters are
unjust to you, and though you may try to quiet
your consciences in this way, yet if you are
honest in owning the truth you must think it is
as wicked, and on some accounts more wicked
to steal from your masters, than from others.
We cannot certainly, have any excuse either for
taking any thing that belongs to our masters
without their leave, or for being unfaithful in
their business. It is our duty to be faithful, not
with eye service as men pleasers. We have no
right to stay when we are sent on errands, any
longer than to do the business we were sent
upon. All the time spent idly, is spent wickedly,
and is unfaithfulness to our masters. In these
things I must say, that I think many of you are
guilty. I know that many of you endeavour to
excuse yourselves, and say that you have
nothing that you can call your own, and that
you are under great temptations to be
unfaithful and take from your masters. But this
will not do, God will certainly punish you for
stealing and for being unfaithful. All that we
have to mind is our own duty. If God has put us
in bad circumstances that is not our fault and
he will not punish us for it. If any are wicked in
keeping us so, we cannot help it, they must
answer to God for it. Nothing will serve as an
excuse to us for not doing our duty. The same
God will judge both them and us. Pray then my
dear friends, fear to offend in this way, but be
faithful to God, to your masters, and to your
own souls.
1. The writer tells the people to “be faithful to God, to your masters, and to
a. your country.”b. your principles.”c. your families.”d. your own souls.”
2. Judging from the tone of the opening of the passage, who do you think is speaking? In other
words, do you think the author is a white person or a black person? How old do you think the
person is? Write a brief paragraph in which you answer these questions and explain why you
responded the way you did.
.
3. Why does the writer feel compelled to address this group?
4. What is the writer’s feeling about slavery and obedience? Are you surprised? Why or why
not? Include his explanation of the difference between men pleasers and servants of God.
5. What is the author’s advice to the Negroes regarding theft from the masters?
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